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Mathematics is the study of numbers, quantity, space, structure, and change. Mathematics is used throughout the world as an essential tool in many fields, including natural science, engineering, medicine, and the social sciences. Applied mathematics, the branch of mathematics concerned with application of mathematical knowledge to other fields, inspires and makes use of new mathematical discoveries and sometimes leads to the development of entirely new mathematical disciplines, such as statistics and game theory. Mathematicians also engage in pure mathematics, or mathematics for its own sake, without having any application in mind. There is no clear line separating pure and applied mathematics, and practical applications for what began as pure mathematics are often discovered.

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The real part (red) and imaginary part (blue) of the critical line Re(s) = 1/2 of the Riemann zeta-function.
Image credit: User:Army1987

The Riemann hypothesis, first formulated by Bernhard Riemann in 1859, is one of the most famous unsolved problems. It has been an open question for well over a century, despite attracting concentrated efforts from many outstanding mathematicians.

The Riemann hypothesis is a conjecture about the distribution of the zeros of the Riemann zeta-function ζ(s). The Riemann zeta-function is defined for all complex numbers s ≠ 1. It has zeros at the negative even integers (i.e. at s=-2, s=-4, s=-6, ...). These are called the trivial zeros. The Riemann hypothesis is concerned with the non-trivial zeros, and states that:

The real part of any non-trivial zero of the Riemann zeta function is ½

Thus the non-trivial zeros should lie on the so-called critical line ½ + it with t a real number and i the imaginary unit. The Riemann zeta-function along the critical line is sometimes studied in terms of the Z-function, whose real zeros correspond to the zeros of the zeta-function on the critical line.

The Riemann hypothesis is one of the most important open problems in contemporary mathematics; a $1,000,000 prize has been offered by the Clay Mathematics Institute for a proof. Most mathematicians believe the Riemann hypothesis to be true. ( J. E. Littlewood and Atle Selberg have been reported as skeptical. Selberg's skepticism, if any, waned, from his young days. In a 1989 paper, he suggested that an analogue should hold for a much wider class of functions, the Selberg class.)

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Graph showing 2 sets of 4 points, each set showing an increasing trend; the orientation of the 2 sets of points relative to each other, however, results in an overall decreasing trend.
Credit: Schutz

Simpson's paradox (also known as the Yule–Simpson effect) states that an observed association between two variables can reverse when considered at separate levels of a third variable (or, conversely, that the association can reverse when separate groups are combined). Shown here is an illustration of the paradox for quantitative data. In the graph the overall association between X and Y is negative (as X increases, Y tends to decrease when all of the data is considered, as indicated by the negative slope of the dashed line); but when the blue and red points are considered separately (two levels of a third variable, color), the association between X and Y appears to be positive in each subgroup (positive slopes on the blue and red lines — note that the effect in real-world data is rarely this extreme). Named after British statistician Edward H. Simpson, who first described the paradox in 1951 (in the context of qualitative data), similar effects had been mentioned by Karl Pearson (and coauthors) in 1899, and by Udny Yule in 1903. One famous real-life instance of Simpson's paradox occurred in the UC Berkeley gender-bias case of the 1970s, in which the university was sued for gender discrimination because it had a higher admission rate for male applicants to its graduate schools than for female applicants (and the effect was statistically significant). The effect was reversed, however, when the data was split by department: most departments showed a small but significant bias in favor of women. The explanation was that women tended to apply to competitive departments with low rates of admission even among qualified applicants, whereas men tended to apply to less-competitive departments with high rates of admission among qualified applicants. (Note that splitting by department was a more appropriate way of looking at the data since it is individual departments, not the university as a whole, that admit graduate students.)

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